Ecuador: the fascist face of extractivism

Ecuador: the fascist face of extractivism

Written on 06 October 2024. Posted in News

BY PABLO ORTÍZ-T. FOR DEBATES INDÍGENAS

In recent months, Daniel Noboa's government has carried out two offensives that put human rights at risk. One the one hand, a fierce repression against the of the Cotopaxi Indigenous peoples with the aim of favoring the installation of a Canadian mining company. On the other, the incursion into the Embassy of Mexico in Quito, which violates the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, with the sole purpose of apprehending former Vice President Jorge Glas, who was in the position of seeking political asylum. While the propaganda apparatus feeds fear and confusion among the population, in the background, a neoliberal package is being implemented, which includes an increase in the added value tax and the deepening of extractivism.

Two tragic events have made headlines in Ecuador in recent weeks. The first, the violent police and military repression against peasants and Indigenous people of Palo Quemado and Las Pampas, in the Central Sierra, who oppose the La Plata mining project led by the Canadian company Ático Mining. And the other, the brutal incursion of elite police and military commandos into the Embassy of Mexico in Quito, with the objective of kidnapping Jorge Glas, the former vice president of the country, who had been granted asylum by the Mexican government.

What do these events mean for the validity of human rights in general and the rights of Indigenous peoples in particular? According to Leonidas Iza, president of the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE), Glas' kidnapping is an act of utmost seriousness: "If they do this to an embassy, to a foreign State, to a sovereign and autonomous nation like Mexico, what can they imagine they can do to Indigenous peoples in our territories?"

Indeed, on March 11, through the Ministry of Environment, Water, and Ecological Transition, the government of Daniel Noboa attempted to coercively resume a "socialization" of the La Plata mining project in the parish of Palo Quemado. This "socialization" began over the course of the Guillermo Lasso's government and had to be suspended by order of the Constitutional Court in July 2023, considering Decree 754 on "environmental consultations" unconstitutional. Nevertheless, the Court kept the provision in force under the condition that it "complies with high national and international standards".

Developing mining at all costs

According to the Ministry of Energy and Mines, the La Plata mining concession includes deposits of gold, silver, copper, and zinc. While Canadian company Atico Mining Corp claims to have invested around $16million dollars in exploratory work, the Minister of Energy, Andrea Arrobo, stated that the government is working to reopen the mining cadastre. On the other hand, Noboa had visited Canada at the beginning of March and had signed six mining investment commitments worth more than 4.8 billion dollars, including 249 new large-scale concessions. The president had stated that the mining sector "is a motor for national development." With this goal in mind, the government is attempting to amend the Constitution to allow for the approval of an investment protection mechanism: international arbitration between private investors and the government.

Meanwhile, CONAIE, its Amazonian affiliate CONFENIAE, the Shuar Arutam People (PSHA), the Shuar-Achuar Interfederal Committee, and the National Anti-Mining Front expressed their opposition to the government's intentions regarding mining exploitation: "Mining is a direct threat to ancestral territories, life, and collective rights. The Shuar Arutam People, which represents 47 communities and hold collective titles to 232,500 hectares, reiterates its rejection of the Warintza mining project due to the lack of prior, free, and informed consultation and the consent required by the Constitution and international treaties".

It is important to remember that Article 57 of the Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador recognizes the right of Indigenous peoples to access information and to be consulted prior to any decision, project, or program that affects their territories and cultural integrity. Ecuadorian regulations establish that consultation process for indigenous peoples and communities must be carried out before the allocation of territories for the exploitation of non-renewable resources that may have environmental or cultural impacts.

However, in practice, its true compliance lacks the secondary regulations to support it, leaving its implementation subject to institutional interpretation. Thus, the right to prior consultation is limited to providing information to the potential affected population, without allowing adequate processes for discussion, evaluation, and alternative proposals. In this sense, in Ecuador, the right to free, prior, and informed consent is restricted, a fact which disadvantages Indigenous peoples and their communities; and gives advantage to the State and extractive capital interested in exploiting natural resources in Indigenous territories.

Mobilization of peasants and the Indigenous peoples of Palo Quemado and Las Pampas who oppose Canadian company Ático Mining's project. Photo: Pablo Ortiz-T.

Supression and violence around the mining project

Despite the Constitution and Mining Law, with the communities of Palo Quemado, the La Plata mining concession was never consulted either in the prospecting or exploration phases. Instead, it has sought to "socialize" the project, as if it were a prerequisite for the start of the third phase: exploitation. The Alliance of Human Rights Organizations and the Ecumenical Commission of Human Rights denounced Daniel Noboa's repression against the residents of Palo Quemado: "The population had warned that since March 7, an armed group had been roaming the area, intimidating the population of Palo Quemado in favor of mining".

A few days later, on March 11, Raúl Bayas Villacrés, his armed group Junta de Defensa del Campesinado, and other paramilitaries attacked the peasants and accused 72 members of the communities of Las Pampas and Palo Quemado of "terrorism". The action was supported by the prosecution, which initiated judicial harassment actions against the community members. A week later, a squad of 500 police officers and soldiers arrived at the site to safeguard the mining facilities and repress anti-project protests. The socialization involved 70 people, whereas Palo Quemado is home to 270 families. This is how parish priest Julián Vallotto explained the situation: "The number of soldiers and police who have been stationed in the territory for some days, is absolutely exorbitant and introduces something strange and provocative into the peaceful life of this peasant population".

It should be noted that in this type of conflict, it is not the first time that armed groups have appeared in parallel to the repressive forces of the State. In Amazonian provinces such as Zamora Chinchipe or in the Northern Sierra, legal and illegal mining companies have resorted to hiring hitmen and paramilitary personnel. In the Amazon, oil companies have already operated similarly. This behavior demands the intervention of state authorities and, in particular, the environmental authority, the Ombudsman, and the Constitutional Court, since it violates the fundamental rights of Indigenous peoples.

The Ecumenical Commission of Human Rights explained that on March 19, the most violent repression occurred: "At least 15 peasants were recorded injured by police action, of whom seven would be in serious condition with burns on their faces, hands, and legs. They were attacked with rubber bullets, pellets, and tear gas bombs". During the repression, Mesías Robayo Masapanta was seriously injured and transferred in critical condition to Gustavo Domínguez Hospital. "Mesías' injuries on the side of his face include fractures in the jaws and right cheekbone, caused by the impact of pellets located in the cervical region. The severity of his condition requires evaluations for maxillofacial, head, and neck surgery", CONAIE denounced.

The role of the church, justice, and the armed forces

In an open letter, Father Julián Vallotto explained that the military and police presence in Palo Quemado, along with so-called "socialization" activities led by the Ministry of Environment, generate fear and distrust. The announced public consultation becomes a unilateral indoctrination, revealing an undemocratic nature and increasing division in the community. Additionally, he denounced police violence against peasants and the distortion of facts by authorities. Finally, referring to Pope Francis' position, he called for solidarity among Catholics in defense of the environment and human rights.

In this context, Oscar Monge, mayor of Sigchos, filed a protective action with precautionary measures to suspend the so-called environmental consultation of the La Plata mining project. The magistrate of the canton, Darwin Danilo Paredes, admitted for processing, a protective action with precautionary measures and ordered the provisional suspension of the environmental consultation in the Palo Quemado parish. Monge also demanded the withdrawal of the National Police and the Armed Forces from the area.

Conversely, government officials reacted virulently against the actions of peasant and Indigenous organizations. From the Government Palace in Quito, the Chief of the Joint Command of the Armed Forces, General Jaime Vela, described protests and resistance actions against the mining project as "terrorist acts". These statements come despite Indigenous communities obtaining a precautionary measure that ordered the withdrawal of military personnel and the halt to the environmental consultation forcefully sought by Daniel Noboa's government.

Official propaganda and neoliberal offensive

The repression experienced in Cotopaxi, the criminalization of social protest, the illegal incursion into the Embassy of Mexico, and the kidnapping of Jorge Glas demonstrate a growing process of repression. Added to this is the declaration of an "internal armed conflict" in January 2024, which authorizes the government to establish curfews and states of emergency, allegedly to "combat insecurity and drug trafficking." However, the reality is very different. While the leaders of organized crime groups escape from prisons or are released by judges, popular, peasant, and indigenous organizations are persecuted, intimidated, and stigmatized as "narco-terrorists".

Born in Miami and a descendent of one of the country's most important banana exporters, the conciliatory and technical figure of candidate Noboa has given way to an impulsive, unpredictable, and authoritarian president. But how can this violation of international agreements and human rights be explained? The answer is very simple: the propaganda apparatus has managed to generate fear and confusion in the population. Consequently, a part of society recognizes in Noboa a "strong" figure and supports a police and military presence. Fundamentally, a neoliberal package is being implemented, which includes a three-point increase in the value-added tax.

The economic offensive has been accompanied by a narrative of combating crime that achieves its goal of manipulating society: in the face of the lack of arrests of drug trafficking leaders and real combat with organized crime, the figure of Jorge Glas is being used as a symbol of corruption. Despite the lack of results against street violence, government propaganda and its echo in major media outlets have allowed the government to achieve high levels of popular acceptance, replicating the so-called "Bukele model".

Tags: Indigenous Debates

Public link

Please use the above public link if you want to share this noodl on another website.