The Death of Reformasi: Anwar Ibrahim, UMNO, and the Betrayal of a Movement

Commentary by Sophie Lemière

Published November 1, 2024

In the annals of Malaysian politics, few figures have been as emblematic of reformative hope as Anwar Ibrahim. Once a beacon for a new Malaysia-a champion of transparency, social justice, and anti-corruption-his ascension to the premiership was heralded as a culmination of a decades-long struggle against the entrenched powers of the ruling elite and an awakening of the nation's political consciousness. However, as Anwar maneuvered within the labyrinth of power dynamics, a core truth emerged: the dream of Reformasi, which ignited massive protests and galvanized a generation, now lies lifeless, suffocated by the very compromises he has made with the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the ruling elite, and both local and foreign capitalist interests.

Initially framed as a reformist force aiming to dismantle the status quo, Anwar's political identity has been increasingly defined by the compromises he has made to secure his position within the government. In his quest for stability, the prime minister has forged alliances with a party that has historically stood against the ideals of Reformasi-UMNO. The very entity Anwar once vociferously opposed has now become his partner in governance, raising profound questions about the integrity of his reform agenda. Critics argue that these compromises have not merely diluted the spirit of Reformasi; they have obliterated it.

When Anwar returned to power in 2022, many believed that he would breathe new life into the reform agendas that had energized Malaysia's political landscape since the late 1990s. His administration promised good governance, economic equity, and accountability in a landscape dominated by rampant corruption. Yet, as months have passed, the signs of a failed reformist agenda are becoming painfully clear. Anwar's government has lacked the resolve to confront corruption within its ranks, particularly regarding those UMNO leaders entangled in scandals that span the Najib Razak administration. The investigation into the 1MDB (1 Malaysia Development Berhad) and SRC International scandals pointed to several key characters, but former prime minister Najib Razak is the only one serving time while several others have gotten away with suspicions and the mastermind remains (conveniently) on the run. Meanwhile, the recurrence of accusations of corruption geared toward the satisfaction of Anwar's revenge over longtime rivals has become blatant. In many ways, Anwar's willingness to accommodate certain parties indicates either questionable ethics or a stark pragmatism aimed at political survival.

The rationale behind such compromises, often couched in terms of political stability, glosses over the underlying consequences for the nation. This expediency has not merely resulted in the sacrifice of ideological purity; it has established a precedent that power can be maintained through the very mechanisms of corruption and collusion that Reformasi sought to dismantle. Anwar's alliance with UMNO raises a specter of complicity, as he now finds himself navigating a delicate dance between his former allies in the reformist movement and the entrenched elites that continue to wield power over Malaysia's political and economic landscape.

Moreover, Anwar's government has failed to address the entrenched capitalist interests-both local and foreign-that have long held sway over Malaysian politics. This jeopardizing of the reformist ethos extends to economic policies that prioritize foreign investment over social welfare, often at the expense of the marginalized. The government's priorities often align more with the wishes of multinational corporations than with the leftist and Islamist grassroots movements that propelled Anwar into a position of power. This disconnect echoes a familiar pattern in Malaysian politics, wherein the allure of foreign capital results in policies that deepen inequality, thereby undermining the very essence of Reformasi.

The irony is hard to ignore: the very forces that Reformasi aimed to combat-corruption, elitism, and corporate greed-now shape the contours of Anwar's political reality. The government has planned and passed several reforms that are stirring Malaysia backward including the Malaysian Media licensing plans, the constitutional amendments for citizenship, and the Mufti bill increasing the power (and confusion) of religious authorities in the federal territory of Kuala Lumpur. The stability of the government and the current desperate need for economic recovery are the recurrent political arguments used to justify the necessity to cooperate with existing power structures while satisfying the most conservative sections of society even if that means compromising civil liberties. These compromises ring hollow against a backdrop of betrayal felt deeply within the civil society sector that once rallied around the Reformasi banner.

As Anwar's administration drifts further from its founding promises, a stark realization emerges. Reformasi is not merely a set of policies or actions; it was a movement, a societal contract pledging a radically different future for Malaysia. However, Anwar has relinquished the very ethos that inspired his ascent. As the struggles for accountability, equity, and true democratic reform continue to falter in the face of established power, the prospects for genuine change are dispiriting. The once-vibrant banners of Reformasi waved fervently in the streets, now lay crumpled and forgotten, representative of how fleeting the promise of reform can be within a system that valorizes compromise over conviction.

In this context, Anwar Ibrahim stands at a crossroads, his legacy teetering between the aspirations of a hardened reform movement and the realities of compromise that dull the very fire of political innovation. As Malaysia watches and waits, only time will tell if a dead movement can rise again, or if the lingering compromises will prove fatal to the transformative dreams of millions.

Sophie Lemière is an adjunct fellow (non-resident) with the Southeast Asia Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C.

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